House of Cards
Back in the days when this seemed a
live and pertinent comparison, a university friend compared the West
Wing with House of
Cards (the former had begun in
1999, the latter ended in 1995). The contention was that the West
Wing, with its depiction of a
virtuous political class would be as unpalatable to a UK audience as
the contemptuous elite of House of Cards
would be to an American audience.
If
that were true then it clearly isn’t true now, as the second season
of the US House of Cards
is released, all in one go and inappropriately enough, on Valentine’s
Day. The exhuming of the original House of Cards
also seems to provide counter-evidence to claim regularly made at
present that the UK’s political class face an unprecedented crisis
in public confidence. To make such a claim either ignores quite how
bad things got in the first half of the nineties or, at least, fails
to elucidate the distinction between that crisis and this one. (I
attempt a distinction of my own below.)
This
isn’t the first attempt to transplant British political cynicism to
the US. Paul Abbott’s far more contemplative State of
Play (2003) was adapted in 2009
and writer Beau Willimon nicks its inciting incident to replace the
climatic scene of the original House of Cards
in the second season of his remake. The title sequence and theme,
too, seem to have that earlier remake in mind.
So
whilst the original was often just a pot of latex away from an
extended episode of Spitting Image,
Willimon’s House of Cards
can take itself quite seriously, which makes for quite an uncertain
tone. Gone, for example, are the Billy Bunter MPs being told off for
visiting knocking shops like the never-before-seen aftermath of a
Benny Hill sketch. Fine. But, then, how are
we supposed to respond when an FBI agent threatens to squish a guinea
pig?
Whilst anyone can
have fun with a central role like Urquhart/Underwood, it’s Robin
Wright as Claire Underwood that transfigures the US show. Glacial and
inscrutable, she frequently wrong foots the viewer. The best scene in
the first season is where she leaves her lover’s apartment, having
confounded an image he made of her and folded up one tile into a
large origami swan. But Claire doesn’t only leave semioticians in a
spin, she adds a complexity and mystery to the Underwood’s project
and makes for far more compelling viewing, deepening the shallow Lady
Macbeth-lite of the UK show. The unfolding and consequences of her
rape are excellently handled in the second season and it is
refreshing to have a female antihero with this much depth and nuance.
What
the UK House of Cards
exemplified most of all was not a contempt of the political class but
a kind of self-contempt. It seemed to acknowledge that the
representative class weren’t there simply to represent our
interests but to represent us to ourselves. The clownish despatch of
political enemies and the frequent shots of rats feeding upon shit
(“the rat symbolises obviousness”) were smacks to the face: no
one with a degree of incredulity could seriously buy Urquhart’s
machinations, they had to be complicit in them. (House of Cards had much in
common with The New Statesman in that respect.) Urquhart’s addresses
frequently implicated the viewer.
Underwood’s
soliloquies are less frequent and not so much fun; they seem to come
from a show that the producers don’t want to make. As a device it
disappoints most on the one occasion it might have soared. During
season one the writers do a reversal of the Lear-like climatic scene
in West Wing episode
‘Two Cathedrals’. Underwood, like Bartlett, addresses God and
then, unlike, Bartlett turns down to the Devil. Both times Underwood
looks direct into the camera - is it us? Does he struggle to tell
whether we, his secret audience, are divine or satanic? No, “there
is only us” he concludes. The effect is tantalisingly close but
ultimately unrealised and I can’t quite but wonder whether this is
down to Spacey’s performance. Dead-eyed, primordial, lethal,
Underwood is not a creature that is easily anthropomorphised.
Consequently, we can’t be complicit in the activities of a thing
still in a state of nature.
Underwood
is not Richard III but his antecedent, the Vice figure in the
Medieval morality play whose chief effect was comical. Richard was
far more than that: a scourge, a catharsis, he wipes out the entire
corrupted political class and, inadvertently, purges England. Neither
Urquhart nor, so far, Underwood performs such a role. But, worse, the
US House of Cards lets
the viewer off the hook, never once raising an adversary capable of
matching the Underwoods. (Partly this is a problem of the US
constitution: there is no head of state for Frank to best unlike the
tragic King of the UK version.)
There
lies the real problem with the show, which perhaps isn’t really its
fault. If there is a difference, in the UK at least, between the
present political crisis and the one in the nineties, it is that this
time the electorate do not feel accountable for their politicians.
That is, we attack them for failing to represent us in the first
sense whilst failing to recognise that politicians represent us in
the second sense too. We mould a political class in our own image.
The US House of Cards
never successful indites the audience for Congress’s misdeeds; it is
an exercise in bad faith.
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